In depth
The CBI operates under the Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act, 1946, and sits within the Department of Personnel and Training, with the Central Vigilance Commission given a supervisory role over its anti-corruption work by the Supreme Court in Vineet Narain [1]. The Director is appointed by a committee of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition (or leader of the largest opposition party) and the Chief Justice of India or a nominated judge [1].
Section 6A of the DSPE Act, which required government approval to investigate senior officers, was struck down by a Constitution Bench in May 2014 [2]. Parliament later inserted s.17A in the Prevention of Corruption Act (2018); two Supreme Court judges gave divergent opinions on it in January 2026 and the matter was referred to the Chief Justice [11]. Because policing is a state subject, the DSPE Act requires a state’s consent for the CBI to work there; ten states were reported to have withdrawn general consent by December 2023, in states governed by Congress, Trinamool Congress, Left, JMM, DMK, TRS and an NDA-constituent party [8].
In May 2013 a Supreme Court bench said, in the coal allocation case, that the CBI was a caged parrot speaking in its master’s voice, after the Director disclosed that a draft status report had been shared with the Law Minister and others [6]. The Director said the next day that whatever the Court said was correct; in 2022 the Law Minister said the CBI is no more a caged parrot.
Official data give conviction rates between about 67 and 75 per cent for 2018 to 2022 [4]. A media analysis reports a rise in the opposition share of prominent politicians probed from about 60 to about 95 per cent; a CBI official called it a coincidence and noted that many cases were court-ordered [5]. This entry presents those figures and statements and does not determine whether either is correct as to motive.